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FEMALE CRIMINALITY
Short Notes
Q.1 Criminality in females.
Q.2 Female Criminality.
Historically, female criminality has been one of the least evaluated areas within criminological research. This neglect stems primarily from the statistical reality that women commit significantly fewer crimes than men and have traditionally been perceived as posing a less direct threat to macro-public safety and social order.
In India, according to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) report, women constitute only about 5% to 6% of the total arrested offenders for various crimes, a pattern that closely mirrors global trends where female arrests generally hover between 5% and 15% depending on the jurisdiction. For instance, according to recent global prison population databases, women account for roughly 6.9% of the world's total prison population.
The common manifestations of criminality observed among female offenders include shoplifting, pilferage, minor forgery, pickpocketing, drug addiction, narcotics peddling, and white-collar infractions like black-marketing or embezzlement within corporate roles. In violent crime categories, female delinquency historically manifests in specific patterns such as infanticide, murder by poisoning, child abandonment, and acting as accomplices in kidnappings or human trafficking networks.
While globalization, urbanization, and changing gender roles have contributed to a gradual statistical rise in the frequency and diversity of offenses committed by women, the baseline rate of female criminality remains significantly lower than that of male offenders across all societies.
Criminologists have formulated distinct biological, psychological, and sociological frameworks to evaluate the causes, nature, and frequency of female offenses. These theories are broadly divided into early Classical (Positivist) and Contemporary Social frameworks.
Early classical and positivist theories focused heavily on internal biological, physiological, and innate psychological factors to explain the lower rates of female delinquency.
As the pioneer of the Positive School, Cesare Lombroso extended his biological determinism to female offenders in his co-authored work, The Female Offender (1893). Lombroso asserted that women commit fewer crimes because they are biologically more primitive, less evolved, and possess lower psychological sensitivity than men, which restrains their active capacity for aggressive behavior.
He claimed that female criminals, particularly prostitutes, exhibit distinct atavistic anomalies (evolutionary throwbacks) such as asymmetrical facial features, cranial defects, and a high tolerance for physical pain. Furthermore, he argued that when ordinary women do commit crimes, they rarely act on independent initiative; instead, they operate at the suggestion or under the direct influence of dominant male offenders.
Lombroso's biological focus has been heavily criticized by modern sociologists and criminologists for its extreme methodological flaws, reliance on unscientific control groups, and underlying racial and gender biases. Critics have dismantled his claims, proving that physical appearance carries no organic correlation with criminal propensities.
To explain female deviance, W.I. Thomas integrated physiological factors with psychological conditioning in his seminal works, Sex and Society (1907) and The Unadjusted Girl (1923). Thomas posited that human behavior is driven by an underlying desire to satisfy four core psychological wishes: the wish for security, for new experience, for recognition, and for response.
He asserted that women possess an intensely sensitive nervous system, making their desire for emotional response and affection far more acute than that of men. According to Thomas, when a young woman's socio-cultural environment frustrates or blocks the legitimate satisfaction of these emotional needs, her intense need to give and feel love can drive her toward deviance, particularly sexual offenses or commercial sex-work. He concluded that female delinquents are fundamentally un-socialized and emotionally unadjusted individuals who require medical and social rehabilitation rather than harsh, retributive punishment.
In his influential treatise, The Criminality of Women (1950), Otto Pollak advanced the Masked Criminality Theory. Pollak asserted that female crime rates appear low only because the underlying nature of women's offenses is inherently hidden, deceptive, and under-reported. He argued that due to biological and physiological conditioning, women are socialized to conceal specific emotional states, which translates into a capacity for structural deceit within criminality, making them instigators or coordinators rather than overt perpetrators of violent physical acts.
Furthermore, Pollak formulated the Chivalry Hypothesis, suggesting that the criminal justice system displays systemic leniency toward women. He argued that male police officers, attorneys, and judges are socially conditioned to act protectively toward female suspects, meaning minor female offenses are regularly ignored, diverted, or dropped without formal prosecution. Consequently, Pollak concluded that the few female offenders who are ultimately convicted and sent to prison represent the most hardened and atypical subset of the population.
Mid-20th-century geneticists and criminologists like John Cowie and Eliot Slater observed that distinct biological and chromosomal differences between the sexes represent a significant factor in explaining the variance in the nature and frequency of crime. They viewed female criminality primarily as a sign of underlying pathology, attributing it to defective intelligence indices, hormonal abnormalities, or organic imbalances within the nervous system that disrupt normal self-regulation.
Contemporary criminologists have discarded biological determinism, locating the causes of female criminality within patterns of socialization, domestic supervision, and macro-economic empowerment.
This framework focuses on the role of gender role determination and close parental supervision in early childhood upbringing. Girls are traditionally subjected to far more rigorous domestic supervision, protection, and behavioral control than boys. They are socialized to be cooperative, non-aggressive, and emotionally expressive, and are actively discouraged from handling weapons or engaging in physical altercations.
Consequently, the vast majority of women grow up lacking the technical exposure, physical training, or subcultural associations required to execute armed robberies, structural burglaries, or organized acts of gang violence. When women are drawn into serious property or violent crimes, their role is typically secondary, supportive, or ancillary to male principal offenders.
Instead, women's offenses tend to cluster around situational or survival-driven crimes, such as illicit bootlegging, retail shoplifting, check forgery, or acting as lookouts or couriers in narcotics distribution networks.
In her landmark work, Sisters in Crime: The Rise of the New Female Criminal (1975), Freda Adler formulated the Emancipation Thesis to explain changing trends in female delinquency. Adler asserted that the rise of the feminist movement and the socio-economic liberation of women directly altered the frequency and configuration of female crime.
She argued that as women achieved greater social emancipation and entered traditional male spaces, they adopted more assertive and competitive behavioral traits. This convergence in socialization patterns has led to a corresponding alignment in criminal behavior.
As women became more integrated into the public and corporate spheres, they gained access to structural opportunities for white-collar fraud, embezzlement, financial thefts, and corporate corruption. Adler’s research noted that behavioral patterns like public drinking, aggressive street fighting, weapons offenses, and organized gang activities were increasingly visible among younger female cohorts, directly tracking their expanding social liberties.
The global and national data confirms that the overall rate of female criminality remains low compared to male offending, with female involvement largely centered around non-violent property offenses and ancillary roles. However, contemporary criminological research proves that female deviance cannot be attributed to outdated notions of biological primitiveness or innate deceit.
Instead, the nature and frequency of female crime are directly shaped by socio-cultural environments, patterns of family supervision, and institutional access to professional opportunities. As societies move toward greater gender synchronization and women gain equal access to commercial and technological arenas, the patterns, gravity, and variety of female criminality naturally evolve to mirror the broader shifting socioeconomic landscape.
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